Tuesday, October 11, 2016

Yom Kippur and Fall Break

If you're going home tomorrow for Yom Kippur, have an easy fast.

Have a relaxing fall break.

Jack


Sunday, October 9, 2016

Media Use, Violence, and Aggression- Eric


EARLIER this summer the actor Jim Carrey, a star of the superhero movie “Kick-Ass 2,” tweeted that he was distancing himself from the film because, in the wake of the Sandy Hook massacre, “in all good conscience I cannot support” the movie’s extensive and graphically violent scenes.
While Mr. Carrey’s point of view has its adherents, most people reflexively agree with Mr. Millar. After all, the logic goes, millions of Americans see violent imagery in films and on TV every day, but vanishingly few become killers. Mark Millar, a creator of the “Kick-Ass” comic book series and one of the movie’s executive producers, responded that he has “never quite bought the notion that violence in fiction leads to violence in real life any more than Harry Potter casting a spell creates more boy wizards in real life.”
But a growing body of research indicates that this reasoning may be off base. Exposure to violent imagery does not preordain violence, but it is a risk factor. We would never say: “I’ve smoked cigarettes for a long time, and I don’t have lung cancer. Therefore there’s no link between smoking cigarettes and lung cancer.” So why use such flawed reasoning when it comes to media violence?



Photo

CreditOlimpia Zagnoli

There is now consensus that exposure to media violence is linked to actual violent behavior — a link found by many scholars to be on par with the correlation of exposure to secondhand smoke and the risk of lung cancer. In a meta-analysis of 217 studies published between 1957 and 1990, the psychologists George Comstock and Haejung Paik found that the short-term effect of exposure to media violence on actual physical violence against a person was moderate to large in strength.
Mr. Comstock and Ms. Paik also conducted a meta-analysis of studies that looked at the correlation between habitual viewing of violent media and aggressive behavior at a point in time. They found 200 studies showing a moderate, positive relationship between watching television violence and physical aggression against another person.
Other studies have followed consumption of violent media and its behavioral effects throughout a person’s lifetime. In a meta-analysis of 42 studies involving nearly 5,000 participants, the psychologists Craig A. Anderson and Brad J. Bushman found a statistically significant small-to-moderate-strength relationship between watching violent media and acts of aggression or violence later in life.
In a study published in the journal Pediatrics this year, the researchers Lindsay A. Robertson, Helena M. McAnally and Robert J. Hancox showedthat watching excessive amounts of TV as a child or adolescent — in which most of the content contains violence — was causally associated with antisocial behavior in early adulthood. (An excessive amount here means more than two hours per weekday.)
The question of causation, however, remains contested. What’s missing are studies on whether watching violent media directly leads to committing extreme violence. Because of the relative rarity of acts like school shootings and because of the ethical prohibitions on developing studies that definitively prove causation of such events, this is no surprise. 
Of course, the absence of evidence of a causative link is not evidence of its absence. Indeed, in 2005, The Lancet published a comprehensive review of the literature on media violence to date. The bottom line: The weight of the studies supports the position that exposure to media violence leads to aggression, desensitization toward violence and lack of sympathy for victims of violence, particularly in children.
In fact the surgeon general, the National Institute of Mental Health and multiple professional organizations — including the American Medical Association, the American Psychiatric Association and the American Psychological Association — all consider media violence exposure a risk factor for actual violence.
To be fair, some question whether the correlations are significant enough to justify considering media violence a substantial public health issue. And violent behavior is a complex issue with a host of other risk factors.
But although exposure to violent media isn’t the only or even the strongest risk factor for violence, it’s more easily modified than other risk factors (like being male or having a low socioeconomic status or low I.Q.).
Certainly, many questions remain and more research needs to be done to determine what specific factors drive a person to commit acts of violence and what role media violence might play.
But first we have to consider how best to address those questions. To prevent and treat public health issues like AIDS, cancer and heart disease, we focus on modifying factors correlated with an increased risk of a bad outcome. Similarly, we should strive to identify risk factors for violence and determine how they interact, who may be particularly affected by such factors and what can be done to reduce modifiable risk factors.
Naturally, debate over media violence stirs up strong emotions because it raises concerns about the balance between public safety and freedom of speech.
Even if violent media are conclusively found to cause real-life violence, we as a society may still decide that we are not willing to regulate violent content. That’s our right. But before we make that decision, we should rely on evidence, not instinct.



Television/Media Use and Scholastic Achievement- Erin


Scholastic Achievement

https://drive.google.com/file/d/0B2Dv4MQMdbN4M1ZtVk9jQmdVSVE/view?usp=sharing

Kids and Advertising- Alex

Introduction

Advertising is hardly a recent human endeavor; archaeologists have uncovered signs advertising property for rent dating back to ancient Rome and Pompeii. Town criers were another early form of advertising. As an industry, advertising did not take off until the arrival of the various mass media: printing, radio, and television. Nevertheless, concerns over advertising targeting children preceded both radio and television. The British Parliament passed legislation in 1874 intended to protect children from the efforts of merchants to induce them to buy products and assume debt.
Commercial appeals to children, however, did not become commonplace until the advent and widespread adoption of television and grew exponentially with the advent of cable television, which allowed programmers to develop entire channels of child-oriented programming and advertising. Opportunities to advertise to children further expanded with the explosive growth of the Internet, and thousands of child-oriented Web sites with advertising content have appeared in the past few years.
Compounding the growth in channels for advertising targeting children has been another development: the privatization of children's media use. A recent study found that a majority of all U.S. children have televisions in their bedrooms. Many children also have unsupervised access to computers, meaning that much of the media (and advertising) content that children view is in contexts absent parental monitoring and supervision.
These two trends—the growth in advertising channels reaching children and the privatization of children's media use—have resulted in a dramatic increase in advertising directly intended for the eyes and ears of children. It is estimated that advertisers spend more than $12 billion per year to reach the youth market and that children view more than 40,000 commercials each year. These figures represent dramatic increases over those from the 1970s.
The Task Force on Advertising and Children, responding to its charge, began by reviewing research on the impact of advertising on children, 2 with particular attention given both to the implications of children's cognitive development for understanding the potential effects of exposure to advertising and to specific harms that might result from exposure to advertising. There is a substantial body of scientific evidence addressing all of these basic issues. In contrast, concerns about advertising that have emerged as a result of new and changing technological capabilities, such as interactive forms of advertising and commercial Web sites targeting children, have yet to attract almost any empirical study. Consequently, our research review and conclusions are largely confined to more traditional advertising approaches, although we identify the issues in need of further research investigation within our final recommendations.
Two important information processing tasks are required for any person to achieve a mature understanding of advertising messages. First, the individual must be able to distinguish between commercial and noncommercial content. In other words, an individual must be able to differentiate the ads from the programs. Studies of children indicate that those below the ages of 4–5 years do not consistently distinguish program from commercial content, even when program/commercial separation devices ("GoBots will be back after these messages") are used. As children reach the age of 4–5 years, they typically perceive a categorical distinction between commercials and programming, but primarily on the basis of affective ("commercials are funnier") or perceptual ("commercials are shorter") cues only.
The second essential cognitive task involved in a mature comprehension of advertising is the ability to recognize the persuasive intent of advertising and to apply that knowledge in the child’s understanding of the advertising message. In other words, mature persuasive intent comprehension involves not only the recognition that the advertiser has a perspective different from the viewer and that advertisers intend to persuade their audience to want to buy their products, but also that such persuasive communication is biased, and that biased messages must be interpreted differently than unbiased messages.
Basic developmental research on egocentrism and perspective taking, along with a great deal of evidence specifically examining developmental differences in the comprehension of persuasive intent within advertisements, establishes clearly that most children younger than 7–8 years of age do not recognize the persuasive intent of commercial appeals. However, there is far less research examining whether and at what ages children begin to appreciate that advertising messages are inherently biased or on when children begin to develop strategies to counteract the bias within these messages. It is clear that both of these abilities are dependent upon the child’s development of the ability to understand the persuasive intent of advertising, meaning that mature comprehension of advertising occurs no earlier than age 7–8 years on average. Further investigation is needed to establish the upper age boundary of children who are uniquely vulnerable to televised commercial persuasion as a function of normative developmental limitations on their information-processing capabilities. Nonetheless, a key conclusion of the task force, which is supported by a strong base of empirical evidence, is that young children below 7–8 years of age clearly lack an understanding of the persuasive intent of television advertising.

The task force reviewed research addressing two important types of questions regarding the effects of advertising on children. First, does advertising affect children’s commercial recall and product preferences? If not, the $12 billion spent annually by advertisers in commercial appeals to children would represent a surprisingly poor investment. Second, does exposure to advertising result in consumption of products that are inimical to the health and well-being of children? For example, does advertising play a role in the overconsumption of candy and sugared cereals or in underage drinking of alcoholic beverages?
Research on children's commercial recall and product preferences confirms that advertising typically achieves its intended effects. A variety of studies using differing methodologies find that children recall content from the ads to which they've been exposed. Product preference has been shown to occur with as little as a single commercial exposure and to strengthen with repeated exposures. Most importantly, studies have shown that product preferences affect children's product purchase requests and that these requests do influence parents' purchasing decisions.
The more fundamental concern regarding the effects of advertising on children relates to questions of potential harm resulting from exposure. A variety of research findings are relevant to this issue. Several studies, for example, have found that parent–child conflicts occur commonly when parents deny their children's product purchase requests that were precipitated by advertising. Considerable research has examined advertising's cumulative effect on children's eating habits. Studies have documented that a high percentage of advertisements targeting children feature candy, fast foods, and snacks and that exposure to such advertising increases consumption of these products. While consumption of nonnutritious foods per se may not be harmful, overconsumption of these products, particularly to the exclusion of healthier food, is linked to obesity and poorer health. Several studies have found strong associations between increases in advertising for nonnutritious foods and rates of childhood obesity.
A variety of studies have found a substantial relationship between children's viewing of tobacco and alcohol ads and positive attitudes toward consumption of such products. Children find many such commercials attractive (e.g., Joe Camel, the Budweiser frogs) and consequently have high brand awareness of such products and positive attitudes toward them. These products and their spokes-characters have been found to be featured in programming and publications frequently viewed by minors, and reviews of this research (including the Surgeon General's analysis) conclude that advertising of them contributes to youth smoking and drinking.
Critics have also expressed concern regarding the prevalence of advertising of violent media, such as movies and video games, targeting children. Three reports by the Federal Trade Commission found considerable support for such charges, and while studies have not directly assessed the impact of such advertising, it is highly likely that such ads do affect children's media preferences.

The TFAC gave special consideration to commercialism in the schools for two reasons. First, children spend a considerable amount of their childhood in school settings, and because school attendance is compulsory, children have little freedom to avoid any commercial content they are exposed to in schools. Second, it is conceivable that commercial content delivered in schools may be assumed to have the tacit endorsement of respected teachers and school officials, thereby enhancing the effectiveness of the advertising.
Several recent analyses have summarized the extent and growth of advertising and other marketing activities in schools, including an important study by the U.S. General Accounting Office. Advertising and marketing takes several forms: direct advertising in school classrooms (via advertiser-sponsored video or audio programming), indirect advertising (via corporate-sponsored educational materials), product sales contracts (with soda and snack food companies), and school-based corporate-sponsored marketing research. Several of these advertising and marketing activities have been pursued aggressively by schools as a source of additional revenue, but these activities have generally been greeted critically by those outside school systems.
What surprised the task force was the dearth of research on commercialism in the schools. We found only two empirical studies that addressed in-school commercialism issues, one a content analysis of ads and the other a study of the effect of school-based ads on product-related attitudes and preferences and materialistic attitudes. Given the widespread nature of these advertising practices, along with their potential impact on consumer attitudes and behaviors and students' educational attitudes and achievement, it is perplexing that so little research has been conducted to date.

Research indicates clearly that advertising exerts substantial influence on children's attitudes and behaviors, and these effects go well beyond moving product desire from one brand to another. More specifically, the evidence points directly to one fundamental concern: that advertising targeting children below the ages of 7–8 years is inherently unfair because it capitalizes on younger children's inability to attribute persuasive intent to advertising. As a result of this limitation, children below this age comprehend the information contained in television commercials uncritically, accepting most advertising claims and appeals as truthful, accurate, and unbiased. Until fairly recently, advertisers tended to view children in this age range as off limits as advertising targets, but industry practices have changed as new developments in media technology have facilitated greater degrees of age-niche programming and related advertising.
Concern over the fairness of targeting such young children is not a new development. Research on the issue dates back to the late 1960s. In the early 1970s, the Federal Communications Commission considered a proposal to ban advertising to audiences of young children but settled on a more modest approach: limiting the amount of advertising time within children's programming and restricting certain advertising practices likely to make it more difficult for children to make attributions of persuasive intent. Later in the 1970s, the Federal Trade Commission also considered banning all television advertising to young children, citing exactly the type of developmental research the task force reviewed. Congress, responding to television and advertising industry pressure, forced the FTC to abandon this proposal by threatening the agency's funding. While the FTC did drop its effort to restrict advertising to children, it stated in its final order that the issue of advertising to young children is one that should remain a public concern, given the compelling body of scientific evidence documenting young children’s unique vulnerability to commercial persuasion. Since that time, the advertising industry has recognized the sensitivity of these issues in its own self-regulatory advertising guidelines, but this code is exceedingly vague, compliance is completely voluntary, and enforcement is not actively pursued.
In our view, the psychological evidence we have reviewed holds critical implications for public policy. The strength of the research documenting young children’s limited ability to recognize and defend against television advertising has improved substantially since the 1970s, when both the FCC and the FTC seriously considered, although ultimately eschewed, broad-based restrictions on advertising targeting audiences of young children. We believe that the accumulation of evidence on this topic is now compelling enough to warrant regulatory action by the government to protect the interests of children, and therefore offer a recommendation that restrictions be placed on advertising to children too young to recognize advertising’s persuasive intent. The implementation of such a policy would place the United States in good company, alongside such countries as Australia, Canada, Sweden, and Great Britain, which have already adopted regulations prohibiting advertising on programs targeting audiences of young children.

There are three areas in which the task force considered implications of the evidence reviewed for the field of psychology (PDF, 617KB), including the role of psychologists as researchers, educators, and the applied professional practice of marketing research.
While research psychologists have already established the cognitive limitations of younger children’s comprehension of advertising messages, there are many important areas where further investigation is needed. Nearly all research on advertising to children involves studies of television, leaving us with little empirical knowledge about other commercial forms and contexts. For example, we know virtually nothing about how children recognize and defend against commercial messages delivered in new media environments, such as the Internet. We know virtually nothing about new interactive advertising strategies being employed on the World Wide Web. We have no clear indication whether advertising delivered in school environments is more influential, less influential, or indistinguishable from advertising delivered in other contexts or whether allowing advertising in the schools exerts adverse effects on young people’s esteem for educational institutions. There is also a surprising paucity of research on the role of gender, race, ethnicity, and culture on the perception and comprehension of advertising as well as the ways in which they might influence responses to advertising. Given that advertisers develop ad campaigns to reach child audiences segmented by gender, race, and ethnicity, there is a clear need for research on these topics. Obviously, there is much of importance yet to be learned from psychological research in these topic areas, and thus it is an appropriate time for the field of psychology to reinvigorate the examination of how children understand and are influenced by contemporary advertising strategies and messages.
Psychologists can also play important roles in educating their students, clients, and people in the communities they serve regarding the types of concerns raised in this report. Education, in the form of media literacy, may assist parents and older children to consider the influence of advertising in their lives more seriously and to take actions protecting them from unwanted commercial influence. It should be noted, however, that the task force did not place great emphasis on media literacy strategies for addressing the concerns about advertising to young children for two reasons. First, there is limited research documenting the efficacy of media literacy training in protecting young children against advertising effects, and this vacuum corresponds with strong theoretical grounds for expecting that such training cannot overcome the cognitive limitations of younger children in this realm. More research is needed before one should invest much faith in media literacy as a principal means of combating commercial persuasion targeting young children, although older children might be expected to benefit more productively from such efforts. Second, it was the sense of the task force that an overreliance on media literacy as a key strategy for defending against advertising effects is misdirected and places too great a responsibility on children. All too often we see calls for interventions designed to "world proof” the child when we would be better off relying on strategies that offer protections for children, in this case from advertising deemed to be unfair and potentially harmful to children. An over-reliance on media literacy could, in this instance, be tantamount to blaming
the victim.
Finally, the growth in marketing efforts targeting children has seemingly fueled an increase in the industry’s use of applied psychologists working as marketing researchers or consultants to enhance the persuasive effect of child-oriented advertising campaigns. Given the well-established limitations on children’s ability to recognize and defend against commercial persuasion, such efforts raise sensitivities that warrant careful consideration by the field and particularly by those individuals involved in such practices, especially in those cases when younger children are targeted by advertisers. If it is unfair to direct commercial persuasion to audiences of young children, then it would seem to be equally unfair to employ psychological theory and research evidence to more effectively accomplish persuasive outcomes in young child viewers, at least insofar as the promotion of applied commercial interests are concerned. While drawing lines in this realm may be challenging, careful consideration is warranted to insure that psychologists hold faithful to their mission to benefit their research subjects, their clients, and the society at large.

I. PUBLIC POLICY
Restrict Advertising Primarily Directed to Audiences of Young Children We recommend that television advertising be restricted during programming directed to or seen by audiences primarily composed of children 8 years of age and under.
State Advertising Disclaimers So They Can Be Understood by the Intended Audience
We recommend that advertising disclaimers in children's programming be stated in language children can understand and be aired in both audio and video for a time length conducive to reading, hearing, and comprehending.
II. PSYCHOLOGICAL RESEARCH
Conduct Research on the Changing Contexts and Modes of Advertising Practices
We recommend that psychologists conduct research on what is new and what is different in advertising that targets children and adolescents, and consider its implications.
Investigate Ad Processing/Effects in Interactive Media Environments
We recommend that psychologists actively investigate how young children comprehend and are influenced by advertising in new interactive media environments such as the Internet and the
World Wide Web
Study the Development of Understanding of Persuasive Intent in More Sophisticated Fashion With Children Older than 8 Years of Age
We recommend that psychologists renew their investigation of the age at which children come to fully comprehend the persuasive intent that necessarily underlies all television advertising.
Study the Role of Gender, Ethnicity, and Culture in Relationship to the Psychological and Social Effects of Advertising on Children
We recommend that psychologists examine whether the psychological processes involved in the understanding of persuasive intent, as well as the impact of exposure to advertising, vary in relationship to gender, race, ethnicity and culture.
Conduct Research on Media Literacy
We recommend that psychologists conduct media literacy research to assist in the development of effective curricula for students at different grade levels.
III. APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY
Provide Public Education
We recommend that psychologists who are knowledgeable about the effects of advertising on children and youth be encouraged to communicate with parents and professionals who work with children and youth.
Support Continuing Education
We recommend that APA support continuing professional education (CPE) programs for psychologists on media literacy, with particular attention paid to issues related to media advertising and marketing to children.
Weigh Professional Practices Associated With Advertising to Children
We recommend that APA undertake efforts to help psychologists weigh the potential ethical challenges involved in professional efforts to more effectively advertise to children, particularly those children who are too young to comprehend the persuasive intent of television commercials.
IV. INDUSTRY PRACTICES
Encourage More Rigorous Industry Self-Regulation
We recommend that the Children's Advertising Review Unit (CARU) of the Council of Better Business Bureaus publicize its guidelines more widely so that parents and others can call to its attention deviations from the guidelines.
V. MEDIA LITERACY
Develop Media Literacy Curricula
We recommend that psychologists take a central role in developing and implementing effective advertising media literacy curricula for all school grade levels from 3rd through 12th.
VI. ADVERTISING AND SCHOOLS
Restrict School-Based Advertising That Targets Young Children
We recommend that advertising in all forms should be restricted in school environments serving children 8 years old and under.
Conduct Research on Effects of School-Based Commercial Practices
We recommend that psychologists engage in research on the impact of advertising and commercialism in schools.
Advocate Professional Collaborations
We recommend that APA collaborate with other professional and educational organizations to raise public, professional, and political awareness with respect to the increased commercialization of schools.

Chair: Brian Wilcox, PhD
Joanne Cantor, PhD
Peter Dowrick, PhD
Dale Kunkel, PhD
Susan Linn, EdD
Edward Palmer, PhD

Thursday, September 29, 2016

Music and Sex- Ryan (article 2 of 2)

Abstract

Purpose

Research shows that rap music use is associated with risky sexual behavior in ethnic minority youth; however, it is unknown whether rap music use impacts sexual initiation specifically and, if so, which factors mediate this impact. Thus, we investigated the longitudinal relationship between hours spent listening to rap music in seventh grade and sexual initiation in ninth grade. We also examined the role of perceived peer sexual behavior as a potential mediator of this relationship.

Methods

We analyzed data from students (n = 443) enrolled in a school-based randomized controlled trial of a sexual health education curriculum collected at baseline and at 18-month follow-up. Rap music use and perceived peer sexual behavior were assessed in seventh grade, whereas sexual initiation was assessed in ninth grade. Univariate, multivariate, and mediation analyses were conducted.

Results

At baseline, rap music use was significantly associated with race/ethnicity, parental music rules, and sexual behavior, but not with gender or parental education. Rap music use was a significant predictor of sexual initiation on univariate analysis but not multivariate analysis. Mediation analysis showed that the association between hours spent listening to rap music and sexual initiation was significantly mediated by perceived peer sexual behavior.

Conclusions

Rap music use in early adolescence significantly impacts sexual initiation in late adolescence, partially mediated by perceived peer sexual behavior. More research is needed to understand how rap music influences perceptions of peer sexual behavior, which, in turn, influence early sexual initiation.
+

Implications and Contribution

Ethnic minority youth (black and Hispanic) initiate sex at an earlier age than youth from other racial/ethnic groups [1, putting them at risk for multiple negative sexual health outcomes, such as HIV, sexually transmitted infection (STI), and unplanned pregnancy [[2][3][4]]. Although all youth experience pressure to initiate sex early, ethnic minority youth express greater pressure to conform to sexual norms than white youth [[5][6]] and cite media as the source of sexual pressure (National Campaign, 2012). Ethnic minority youth consume a substantial amount of media including music, predominantly rap music [[7][8]]; most of which contains sexually explicit content [[9][10][11]]. Research shows that sexually explicit media—media with extreme and/or subtle references to permissive sexual behavior—impact sexual behavior among youth [[10][11][12][13][14][15],[16][17][18]] and that rap music is more likely than other popular music genres (e.g., pop, rock) to contain sexually explicit content [[9][11][18]]. Moreover, high exposure to rap music has been shown to be associated with less parental monitoring, permissive sexual attitudes, multiple sexual partnering, and STI acquisition [[11],[18][19][20]]. However, previous research is limited to cross-sectional studies [[18][21]] or to studies with older adolescents [[17][19]]. Furthermore, it is unknown whether rap music use impacts early sexual initiation, a predictor of subsequent risky sexual behavior [20, and, if so, which factors mediate this impact. Thus, more research is needed to understand the impact of rap music on ethnic minority youth who listen to a higher amount of such music than do white youth [[7][8]].
Social cognitive theory provides a theoretical basis for investigating the relationship between rap music and sexual behavior. According to social cognitive theory, children learn vicariously from media and are more likely to translate learning into behavior when (1) the role model is similar to the viewer in gender or ethnicity; (2) the behavior is perceived to be similar to real life; (3) the role model is attractive; and (4) the behavior is positively reinforced [22. Through observational learning and modeling, adolescents may develop attitudes and beliefs that support the role model's behavior [22, which, in turn, may influence their decision-making when in sexual possibility situations. This study assumed that through the use of rap music, adolescents (1) identify with rap music artists; (2) believe that sexual behavior is acceptable and reinforced in peer groups; and ultimately (3) act on the learned behavior when the opportunity is available. However, a greater understanding of how rap music influences adolescent sexual initiation is warranted. A possible mechanism underlying the relationship between rap music and sexual behavior is the influence of perceived peer behavior. Perceived peer behavior, the belief that one's peer group is sexually active, is a consistent predictor of early sexual initiation regardless of socioeconomic status, neighborhood contextual factors, parental characteristics, intention, and self-efficacy [[23][24][25][26]]. Furthermore, sexually explicit media have been shown to function as a “super peer” for youth seeking guidance on sexual behavior [27, suggesting that media play a crucial role in setting norms for sexual behavior. To our knowledge, no study has examined the potential mediating role of perceived peer sexual behavior in the relationship between rap music use and sexual initiation.
In this study, we investigated the longitudinal relationship between hours spent listening to rap music in seventh grade and sexual initiation in ninth grade, while controlling for significant covariates. We also examined the role of perceived peer sexual behavior as a potential mediator of this relationship among urban, ethnic minority youth. We hypothesized that seventh-grade youth who listened to more hours of rap music are more likely than those who listened to fewer hours of rap music or none to initiate sex by ninth grade and that perceived peer sexual behavior mediates the relationship between rap music use and sexual initiation.

Methods

Sample and study design

We used longitudinal data from a school-based randomized controlled trial (RCT) that evaluated the effectiveness of a middle-school sexual health education curriculum in a large southern U.S. city [28. We analyzed data collected at baseline (n = 726) and at 18-month follow-up (n = 509 for univariate analysis, n = 443 for multivariate and mediational analyses) from control group participants to avoid any interference from the intervention. For the RCT, a standardized protocol including parental consent, student assent, and data collector training, was followed [26. Students completed computer-assisted surveys on laptops while being monitored by trained data collectors. For their participation, students received monetary incentives at each time point. This study was approved by the institutional review board of The University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston. Additional details about the RCT are provided elsewhere [26.

Measures

Independent variable

Rap music use

We used a single item to measure rap music use at baseline (seventh grade). Students were asked, “In a usual day, how many hours do you listen to rap or hip hop?” Responses included “I do not listen to rap music,” “Less than an hour a day,” “1–2 hours a day,” “3–4 hours a day,” “5–6 hours a day,” and “7 or more hours a day.” Responses were recoded as “I do not listen to rap music” (0 = “no use”), “Less than 2 hours a day” (1 = “low use”), and “3 or more hours a day” (2 = “high use”).

Dependent variable

Sexual initiation

We assessed sexual initiation at 18-month follow-up (ninth grade). Sexual initiation was defined as “ever having any sex” (i.e., vaginal, oral, or anal sex). Only those students who reported “no sex” at baseline were included in the longitudinal analysis.

Mediator variable

Perceived peer sexual behavior

We used a single item to assess perceived peer sexual behavior at baseline (seventh grade). Students were asked, “How many of your friends have had vaginal sex?” Responses ranged from “none” (0) to “most” (3). Higher scores represented higher perceived sexual activity among friends.

Covariates

Several variables known to influence both the independent and dependent variables were included as covariates. Covariates included gender, race/ethnicity, age, parental education, and parental monitoring. To assess parental monitoring, we included a measure of parental music rules. Students were asked, “Do you have rules in your house about the kinds of music that you listen to?” Responses included “no” (0) and “yes” (1).

Statistical analysis

Bivariate correlational analyses were used to examine the relationships between rap music use, perceived peer sexual behavior, and covariates. Chi-square analyses were performed to assess subgroup differences among these variables. Logistic regression was conducted to examine the relationship between hours spent listening to rap music per day at baseline and any engagement in sexual activity at 18-month follow-up. The primary independent variable of interest was the number of hours spent listening to rap music per day. All data were analyzed using PASW Statistics 18 (IBM Corp., Armonk, NY).
Steps outlined by Baron and Kenny [[29][30][31]] were used to test the mediational relationship between rap music use, perceived peer sexual behavior, and sexual initiation. The conceptual model of the mediation is presented in Figure 1. First, a regression analysis was conducted to determine if rap music use was a predictor of perceived peer sexual behavior (pathway a in Figure 1). Second, a regression analysis was conducted to determine the effect of perceived peer sexual behavior on sexual initiation (pathway b in Figure 1), while controlling for rap music use. Third, a regression analysis was conducted to determine if rap music use was a significant predictor of sexual initiation, while controlling for perceived peer sexual behavior (pathway c inFigure 1). Significance testing to determine partial mediation was completed using the Sobel test [32. Students who reported any sexual behavior at baseline, and those with missing data on priority variables, were excluded from the analyses, resulting in an analytic sample of 445 students.
Thumbnail image of Figure 1. Opens large image

Figure 1

Representation of the mediation model.

Results

Baseline characteristics for the sample are presented inTable 1. The sample had a mean age of 13 years (standard deviation = .60), was mostly female (56%), and was predominantly ethnic minority (42% Hispanic and 40% black). Most students reported rap music use; of these, 69% listened to 3 or more hours per day (high use), 17% listened to <2 hours per day (low use), and <10% did not listen to rap music (no use). Most students reported that their parents did not have rules about the type of music they could listen to (72%). Finally, most students perceived that their peers had not had sex (62%), and most had not had any sex (88%).
Table 1Baseline characteristics of final analytic sample (n = 443)a
Characteristic%
Age, M (standard deviation)12.95 (.49)
Gender
 Male36.8
 Female63.2
Race/ethnicity
 Black38.4
 Hispanic45.6
 Otherb16.0
Maximum parent education
 Did not graduate high school29.6
 High school graduate22.6
 Some college17.6
 College graduate30.2
Rap music use
 No use11.7
 <2 hours per day18.7
 ≥3 hours per day69.5
Parent has music rules
 Yes28.7
 No71.3
Perceived peer sexual behavior
 None70.2
 Few19.9
 Some6.1
 Most3.8
aSample was limited to those who did not have sex at baseline; thus, no data for baseline sexual behavior are reported.
bWhite, Asian/Pacific Island, and Native American.
Baseline characteristics by rap music use for the sample are presented in Table 2. Rap music use was not significantly associated with gender or parental education; however, it was significantly associated with race/ethnicity, parental music rules, perceived peer sexual behavior, and sexual behavior. In terms of race/ethnicity, black students were more likely than Hispanic students to report listening to 3 or more hours of rap music per day (χ2 = 50.1, p < .000). For parental music rules, high-use students were more likely than low-use and no-use students to report not having parental music rules (χ2 = 16.8, p = .004). In terms of perceived peer sexual behavior, high-use students were more likely than low-use and no-use students to report that their friends had had any sex (χ2 = 40.3, p < .000). Finally, in terms of sexual behavior, high-use students were more likely than low-use and no-use students to report having had sex (χ2 = 15.5, p < .000).
Table 2Baseline characteristics by rap music use
VariablenaRap music use, % (n)
No useLow useHigh use
Overall7269.6 (73)16.9 (128)69.3 (525)
Gender726
 Male41.1 (30)43.0 (55)42.5 (223)
 Female58.9 (43)57.0 (73)57.5 (302)
Race/ethnicity∗∗726
 Black6.8 (5)29.7 (38)47.0 (247)
 Hispanic65.8 (48)50.8 (65)33.1 (200)
 Otherb27.4 (20)19.5 (25)14.9 (78)
Maximum parent education691
 Did not graduate high school28.2 (20)36.1 (43)25.7 (129)
 High-school graduate21.1 (15)21.8 (26)23.6 (118)
 Some college14.1 (10)13.4 (16)19.2 (96)
 College graduate36.6 (26)28.6 (34)31.5 (158)
Parent has music rules∗∗723
 Yes38.9 (28)39.1 (50)23.7 (124)
 No61.1 (44)60.9 (78)76.3 (399)
Perceived peer sexual behavior∗∗693
 None88.4 (61)74.4 (87)56.0 (284)
 Few8.7 (6)18.8 (22)23.1 (117)
 Some1.4 (1)2.6 (3)11.8 (60)
 Most1.4 (1)4.3 (5)9.1 (46)
Has had any sex∗∗724
Yes2.7 (2)4.7 (6)14.3 (75)
No97.3 (71)95.3 (122)85.7 (448)
aOnly includes participants with data available on selected variables.
bWhite, Asian/Pacific Island, and Native American.
∗∗p < .000.
Multivariate logistic regression analysis was conducted to examine the association between rap music use in seventh grade and sexual initiation in ninth grade. Univariate analysis was first performed with baseline variables previously associated with sexual initiation to identify explanatory variables for multivariate logistic regression; variables found to be significant at the p < .20 level were then selected as candidates for multivariate logistic regression analysis. Only students who reported no sex at baseline were included in the regression analysis. Of these, those with a valid response at 18-month follow-up were included in the univariate analysis (n = 509). The multivariate analysis was restricted to students with a valid response for each variable included in the model (n = 443). The full model was significant (χ2 = 53.062, df = 9, p < .000) and correctly classified 79.5% of students. Results of the univariate and multivariate analyses are presented in Table 3. After adjusting for covariates, neither low rap music use (odds ratio [OR] = 1.181; 95% confidence interval [95% CI] = .46–3.01; p = .727) nor high rap music use (OR = 2.231; 95% CI = .99–5.03; p = .053) significantly predicted sexual initiation, compared with no use of rap music. However, the findings for the relationship between high rap music use and sexual initiation did approach statistical significance. Gender (OR = 1.962; 95% CI = 1.26–3.04; p = .003), age (OR = 1.813; 95% CI = 1.18–2.79; p =.007), and perceived peer sexual behavior (OR = 2.03; 95% CI = 1.44–2.86; p =.000) remained significant predictors in the full model. Interaction terms for perceived peer sexual behavior and rap music use were not significant (p = .828).
Table 3Univariate and multivariate analyses of variables at baselinea (seventh grade) predicting sexual initiation at 18-month follow-up (ninth grade)
VariableUnivariateMultivariate (n = 443)
nbOdds ratio95% confidence intervalpOdds ratio95% confidence intervalp
Hours spent listening to rap musicc490
 Low use1.07.46–2.49.8831.18.46–3.01.727
 High use2.631.28–5.39.0092.23.99–5.03.053
Genderd5091.571.01–2.31.0221.961.26–3.04.003
Race/ethnicitye509
 Black1.39.78–2.46.2661.02.53–1.95.960
 Hispanic1.05.60–1.85.859.89.43–1.83.752
Age at baseline5051.701.17–2.48.0061.811.18–2.79.007
Parent maximum education484.93.80–1.1.394.92.74–1.15.484
Perceived peer sexual behavior4772.561.86–3.51.0002.031.44–2.86.000
Referent groups: cNo use, dFemale, and eOther (White, Asian/Pacific Island, and Native American).
aSample limited to those who reported “no sex” at baseline.
bOnly includes participants with data available on selected variables.
Mediation analysis was conducted to determine if perceived peer sexual behavior mediated the relationship between rap music use and sexual initiation. The standardized regression coefficient between hours spent listening to rap music and sexual initiation decreased substantially when controlling for perceived peer sexual behavior (Table 4). The other conditions of mediation were also met: Hours spent listening to rap music significantly predicted (1) sexual initiation (β = .227, p = .000); (2) perceived peer sexual behavior (β = .847, p = .000); and (3) perceived peer sexual behavior significantly predicted sexual initiation when controlling for hours spent listening to rap music (β = .452, p = .012). The Sobel test indicated that the association between hours spent listening to rap music and sexual initiation was partially mediated by perceived peer sexual behavior (z = 4.46, p < .000).
Table 4Results of mediation analysis
PathwayAnalysisβp
cRap music use → sexual initiation.614.000
aRap music use → perceived peer behavior.227.000
bPerceived peer sexual behavior → sexual initiationa.847.000
c'Rap music use → sexual initiationb.452.012
aControlled for rap music use.
bControlled for perceived peer sexual behavior.

Discussion

To our knowledge, this is the first study to investigate the longitudinal relationship between rap music use and sexual initiation and to examine the role of perceived peer sexual behavior as a potential mediator of this relationship. Overall, as hypothesized, we found that high use of rap music in seventh grade is significantly associated with sexual initiation in ninth grade and that this association is partially mediated by perceived peer sexual behavior. Rap music use was significantly associated with sexual initiation on univariate analysis but not on multivariate analysis; however, this relationship did approach significance. This could be attributed to the effect of perceived peer sexual behavior on sexual initiation. On mediation analysis, perceived peer behavior was found to partially mediate the relationship between rap music use and sexual initiation. Moreover, this finding suggests that listening to rap music does not directly influence sexual initiation. Instead, youth who listen to high amounts of rap music may be more likely than those who listen to low amounts of rap music or no rap music to believe that their peers are sexually active, which, in turn, may increase their likelihood of initiating sex. In addition, although rap music use was not significant in the full model, mediation analysis is still plausible because establishing full mediation was not our intent. This partial mediation was found to be distal suggesting that additional variables or competing variables that should be investigated [33. This study establishes a foundation for the need to investigate a multiple mediation model to further explain the relationship between rap music use, perceived peer behavior, and sexual initiation.
At baseline, perceived peer sexual behavior was significantly associated with rap music use. Specifically, students who listened to high amounts of rap music were more likely than those who listened to low amounts of rap music or no rap music to believe that their peers were sexually active, and the percentage of students who believed that their peers were sexually active increased as the use of rap music increased. This finding may be due to rap music acting as a super peer for youth seeking guidance on sexual behavior [14. Based on this theorized mechanism, youth who listen to high amounts of rap music may personally identify with rap music culture and thus may be more likely to be influenced by its sexualized messages because they are either seeking peer approval of sexual behavior or feeling pressure to conform to perceived sexual behavior within their peer networks. Furthermore, ethnic minority youth may be more likely to identify with rap music imagery and to perceive cultural messages about sex as truth, especially if there are no alternative messages reflecting healthy sexual behavior [34. Additional longitudinal studies are needed to determine the direction of the association between rap music use and perceived peer sexual behavior.
At baseline, students who listened to more rap music differed significantly from those who listened to less or no rap music. For instance, high-use students were more likely than low-use and no-use students to be sexually active at baseline during the seventh grade. Although only 12% of students were sexually active at baseline, the proportion of students who had initiated sex increased as rap music use increased. Because this particular relationship is cross-sectional, the direction of the effect remains unknown. Compared with high-use students, low-use and no-use students were mostly Hispanic, overwhelmingly believed that their peers were not sexually active, and were more likely to have parental music rules. In terms of race/ethnicity, rap music use differed significantly between Hispanic and black students; black students were more likely than Hispanic students to listen to 3 or more hours of rap music per day. This finding is inconsistent with previous findings indicating equal usage rates of rap music among students from different racial/ethnic backgrounds [[7][8]]. It is unclear why black students consumed more rap music than Hispanic students. Whether black youth are more likely than other ethnic minority youth to identify with, seek out, and be influenced by rap music culture because of the abundance of cultural imagery and stereotypes warrants further study. In terms of parental music rules, more than two thirds of the sample reported not having parental rules about the type of music they could listen to. Parental music rules were inversely related to rap music use; the percentage of students who had parental music rules decreased as rap music use increased. Monitoring the music use of contemporary youth is highly challenging; however, such efforts are needed because parents who have clear rules about the type and amount of music their youth can listen to may help to limit their exposure to music with sexually explicit content. Parental monitoring of media use has been found to be associated with positive outcomes among adolescents [35. However, additional research is warranted because less is known about the relationship between parental music rules and sexually explicit media use, specifically rap music [19.
This study has some limitations. First, because the sample was composed of mostly urban, ethnic minority youth, the findings are generalizable only to minority adolescent populations in large urban areas. Second, the sample was not large enough to allow us to examine differences by gender and race/ethnicity; thus, the extent to which gender and race/ethnicity affect the relationship between perceived peer sexual behavior, rap music use, and sexual initiation remains unknown. Much of the sexually suggestive themes in rap music are female focused [10, so it could be that rap music is more likely to influence adolescent females' beliefs about peer sexual behavior than those of male adolescents. However, we did not examine whether this gender bias in lyrical content influences perceived peer sexual behavior or the onset of sexual initiation differently for males than for females. Moreover, we did not examine whether rap music influences black and Hispanic students equally. Third, the rap music variable used did not specify type of rap music or rap music media channel (e.g., radio, Internet, music videos), so it is unknown if students were influenced by messages through lyrical content or visual representation via videos. In addition, this variable did not measure the level of sexually explicit content in rap music, although most mainstream rap music contains sexually explicit content [[9][10][11]], so it was only assumed that this variable was an adequate estimate of mainstream rap music content. Because of the cross-sectional nature of the relationship between rap music use and perceived peer behavior, the directionality of this relationship remains unknown. Whether increased exposure to rap music influences an adolescent's perception of peer behavior, which, in turn, influences his or her own sexual behavior is unclear. The study also did not control for time spent alone, idle time, and other parental monitoring variables. Further investigation should include multiple mediation model that includes variable to account for time spent alone and ensures that temporal precedence is established.
In conclusion, we found that, for ethnic minority youth, high use of rap music in early adolescence is associated with sexual initiation in late adolescence but that the strength of this association decreases considerably when age, gender, and perceived peer behavior are taken into account. In addition, we found that this association is partially mediated by perceived peer sexual behavior. These findings have important implications for sexual health interventions and future research. Adolescent experiences sexual development in a complex environment where individual (e.g., impulsivity, self-efficacy, early pubertal onset, perceived peer norms), interpersonal (e.g., infrequent parental monitoring); community (e.g., STI rates, neighborhood trauma), and societal (e.g., permissive norms, race, and gender) factors all influence their sexual behavior trajectory [[20][23][25]]. It is understandable that ethnic minority youth are more likely to initiate sex early due to the fact that they are more likely to experience the aforementioned factors [20. Intervening on several social determinants is desirable but less feasible. Therefore, addressing perceived peer behavior may prove to be a more achievable goal in the interim as public health professionals work to develop and evaluate long-term multilevel interventions to improve adolescent sexual behavior. Rap music and forms of progressive hip-hop education could be used as tools to deconstruct sexually explicit messages adolescents receive. Parents can play a more proactive role by having open conversations with youth regarding sexually explicit themes in rap music while setting clear expectations for responsible sexual and dating behavior. Interventionists and program developers should consider adapting current adolescent sexual health programs by providing youth opportunities to simultaneously challenge permissive sexual norms in rap music and misperceptions about peer sexual behavior.

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